As we have seen, the problem of the link or unity between the vanguard and the masses of the class - which is, in essence, the problem of the Reconstitution of the Communist Party - can not be solved presupposing the vanguard. Until this moment, we have done so because it was necessary in order to define the qualitative change of the proletarian movement once fulfilled its formation as a social class and as a political party, and to explain the new conditions in which the unity Party-Class develops; it was necessary because it had to do with making an attempt of defining the movement of the class towards the Communism, which implied that we had to begin with an existing vanguard. However, we made clear the point when we set the condition of the vanguard being part of the class, and that this fact configured the CP and, in consequence, set the historical conditions for the revolutionary movement of the Class towards the Communism.
From the political point of view, we have defined the CP as a unity between the vanguard and the masses, as its link; and this link, as it is the concrete expression of the relation of unity between those two elements, shall become the fundamental part of the CP. This is not, therefore, only the organized vanguard, because the relation between the vanguard and the masses includes different balances, different forms of unity, depending on the different stages of the Revolution and depending on the tasks that each of them demand. The vanguard , therefore, organizes in order to fulfill those political tasks , from where we deduce that the organization is not the fundamental thing here, but the politics. And if the first political task of the Revolution is the Reconstitution of the CP, how does the vanguard organize itself to fulfill that task? Which is the content of that task? Which is the mass line that will let the vanguard be linked to the masses, and doing so, making the qualitative leap to reach the CP?
To be able to answer this, we must define the vanguard and its defining elements in each moment; and the same goes for the concept of masses. In this sense, there are two clearly differentiated phases: when the CP exists and when it is not yet constituted. There is not need on mentioning that, when the CP exists, it is the vanguard. The problem arises when the CP does not exist.
Our start point must be the ideology, but not as something previously defined, but as something that must be formulated and assumed before it is taken to the great number of masses of the class. The proletarian ideology, no doubt, is something that exists and, at the same time, something that is in permanent development. We can not start by thinking that the ideology is already developed at it most extent, and even less nowadays, in a moment of recoil in the World Proletarian Revolution; nor can we start by thinking that the ideology is already defined, because we have not evaluated its achievements in that first world revolutionary wave. It would be absurd trying to face the present tasks of the Revolution only from the Marxism, i.e. with the experience of the revolutionary proletariat until the 90s of the 19 th century; it also would be absurd not taking into account the contributions to the Marxism-leninism brought mainly from the building of socialism in the USSR and China, as well as the teachings from the class struggle in socialism and the struggle between two lines within the communist parties which leaded States with Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
The ideology is something objective: it is there in form of a set of synthesized or yet to synthesize experiences in a theoretical way. Without this previous synthesis the Reconstitution can not be tackled, because then, the ideology would not be the one directing it, but diverse interpretations of the ideology, more or less biased, or the ideology conceived in an incomplete way, which means that the fulfilling of the requirements of the Revolution would not be met.
Having said that, who plays the role of "vanguard" and who, as a counterpart, plays the role of "masses" in the stage of the Reconstitution?; if the relation vanguard-masses defines the CP in its development, which is the nature of this relation in the stage of its formation?
The vanguard, in the first moment, exists splitted in two poles: On one side, the most advanced and conscious members within the masses of the class, who only stand out because lead or are at the head of their economic struggles and because they are conscious of the antagonic nature of these struggles; that is to say, they do not have yet a revolutionary conscience, but they stand out from the opportunism and reconciliationism because they prove to have a consistent class conscience On the other side, there is the opposite pole: the ones who understand the necessity of providing the class with its revolutionary ideology, who organize themselves to study and assume it, and at the same time, apply it, as they keep conceiving it, among the masses
These two opposite poles determine the nature of the vanguard-masses contradiction in the stage of the Reconstitution. In this phase, the revolutionary politics is limited exclusively to the most advanced sector of the masses, so that, following the principle which says that the ideology must be at the head of the process, the sector which sets it as the guide plays the role of vanguard at this stage, while the other, which acts as the spontaneous leader, as the loyal representant of the class "as itself", faces the first as masses. The question here is that this advanced sector, with conscience of class, but without revolutionary conscience, has to transform its ideology and has to be won for the Communism. The CP arises from the synthesis with the other advanced sector. Then a new stage will appear, in which the ideology will have to win the big masses of the class to conquest the power and found the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. In this new stage, the vanguard is the CP as a political organization and the masses are the rest of the class. The relation vanguard-masses will change, therefore, its nature, as will also do the mass line to be applied by the vanguard, adopting the form of Proletarian Unique Front.
In the stage of Reconstitution, the masses are not, in short, the majority of the class, their most extense and deep sectors, but their most advanced sector, for it is the exponent of the class struggle against the bourgeoisie, the struggle which the class develops as a class. In order to reconstitute the Party, the ideology, through the ones who bear it -in this case, the ones who act as vanguard- must make the masses undergo a shift in their state of consciousness. This way, the synthesis in CP is achieved, for, in one hand, the ideological vanguard becomes part of the class -and, therefore, the revolutionary ideology becomes a constituent part of the class-, and in the other hand, the most advanced sector of the masses turns its consciousness into a revolutionary one.
The mass line of the revolutionary politics in the stage of the Reconstitution consists of focusing in that sector of the proletariat to "attract it for the Communism" and in organizing the form of making the way towards it and conquering it. The mass line for the Reconstitution implies that the ideological vanguard must know how to link to the rest of the vanguard in order to create the CP.